The image is another taxpayers’ nightmare, although a vision for the editorial cartoonists: a lame-duck American legislature, quacking towards Detroit with a $25 billion gift bag slung over its shoulder.
Grant the importance of an industry that sells sixteen million vehicles a year, employs a quarter of a million people and provides some four million jobs in the concentric circles of suppliers and support.
But a drip-feed of life support for the Big Three auto-makers, a trio of zombie companies who over the decades have achieved walking-dead status by impeding innovation and environmental progress, surrendering on quality to their foreign competitors and inflicting obsolete designs with voracious energy appetites? It’s too dreary to contemplate.
And how would they use the money? As attributed to the late English footballer George Best, describing the dissipation of his fortune: “I spent ninety percent of my money on strong drink, fast cars and hot women. The rest I just squandered.”
Rather than be the incinerator of last resort for government cash, the Big Three need to be out there selling cars – generating real revenue and proving (if they can) that they deserve to survive. So as my Chicago friend Fred Siegman proposes, instead of the heedless delivery of funds into the hands of the unworthy, there is a more wholesome use – oriented to relief of the US industry as a whole.
He suggests that the government extend a “purchase tax credit,” to the buyer of any new American car.
Brand and model choice would be up to the consumer. So the Big Three would have to compete with the domestically manufactured Toyotas and Hondas and the others. No matter, from a national interest perspective, because an industry job saved by sustained sales would as well be in Tennessee or Georgia, after all, as Michigan or Ohio.
There’s current precedent a-plenty. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 provided credits of up to $4000 per vehicle, but for limited new models and only up to 60,000 units per manufacturer. And the current $700 billion bail-out bill has buried in it a tax credit for the purchase of plug-in electric cars, although they won’t start to reach the market until late next year – and Chevy has to live long enough to get the Volt on the street.
Calibration of a new and broader tax credit would be required – striking a balance between cars that are smaller, thus more green and economical, or more upscale models consuming more steel, plastic, glass and rubber.
The program could also be made tax-progressive, if desirable to target car buyers by income level. The credits could be phased out for higher income buyers, for example, or could be made non-transferable for the better-off. On the other hand, with the primary motivation being to sustain industry sales, whether a buyer was making a first purchase or a tenth might not matter.
As for the size of the program? All elements here are subject to argument, of course, but suppose a target of a million vehicle units. A basic tax credit could be $5000 – plus $2500 for a hybrid or high-mileage model – plus an additional $2500 to a buyer with family income below $100,000.
Fully used, that’s $10 billion – delivered in a form that put sales onto the accounts of the car-builders, but obliging them to satisfy the tastes and demands of customers empowered to shop for themselves.
The impact on the federal budget would be mitigated by a timing factor: a buyer would earn the credit at the time of purchase, when the manufacturer would get the sales bump and the impact of the credit. But the taxpayer would receive the actual benefit as of his next tax return filing – and only then would the treasury miss the foregone tax collection.
Filling that timing gap suggests a variety of financing devices: The credit could, for example, cover a down payment. Or, since a buyer might prefer immediate cash, a secondary market in the credits might develop, since they could be factored like any other receivable, but with no collection risk as a government-issued benefit.
Speaking of which, this all would assume successful diplomatic handling of the international politics – taxpayer-led support to private industry being hardly more obnoxious under the array of trade agreements being evaded than the straight subsidy of a direct bail-out.
As a side benefit, by the way, irrespective of the implementation details, a policy favoring renewal of the national auto fleet by replacing polluting junkers with new and more efficient vehicles would appeal to the environmental side of the debate.
And unlike the form of direct support to car-makers whose ability to self-manage is open to serious doubt, a tax credit program has a multiplier potential – not only outward to the manufacturer’s’ galaxy of suppliers, but via the re-cycling of any cash a buyer might realize that did not go right to a purchase price, and also through the balance sheet support to institutions handling the secondary market for the credits.
Administration of the program would be simple and straightforward, with information coordinated among the consumers, the auto dealers, and any third-party lender or factor -- with a single form added to filings with the Internal Revenue Service.
Economists and others interested are invited to address this question: So why not?
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